ࡱ> rtq[ibjbj 1ΐΐa +++8c\,+.x.z.z.z.z.z.z.$03j.}}}..===}zx.=}x.==+-ڷB+ ,d..0.,334-3-"=$Y..v.}}}}3 :Josip Kregar MODERN POLITICAL EXTREMISM: ASSESSMENTS AND TRENDS Introduction We live in an increasingly globalised world, in an expanded community of democratic countries, countries that respect human rights. We live in a time of progress and the encouragement of democratic stabilisation. In reality this advancement is not without danger: extremist movements and political parties are still real threat. No democracy is immune from the threat of extremism. No societies or government can reduce the threat to democracy without clear standards and measures to fight extremism as inherently and constitutionally incompatible with democratic principles. Political extremism has to be understood in a broad sense as a form of political activity promoting disobedience toward political principles, tolerance or constitutional principles and law, promoting social exclusion on the grounds of ideology, national or ethnic origin, religion, language. Political extremism in this new situation is not less but rather more hazardous. The international community and progressive democratic public now have an even greater task of recognizing new forms of political extremism, not as a presumed hypothetical evil but as a real risk to the essential values of the democratic society. The main trends in the past decade are: Europe is now not only larger but in addition more complex than ever. Apparently the speed of the convergence of democratic standards and institutions is different in various countries and regions. Conversely the threat of extremism comes in many types. In Western Europe many parties and movements renounced some of the archetypal ideas of extremism, racism, and nationalism; they changed their political vocabulary but not their strategy and goals. They are more scrupulous in their procedures, selecting new themes. However, there are increasingly populist parties announcing radical measures against the establishment, against moderate parties and political positions. The established parties lost a part of their constituencies in favor of more radical and occasionally extremist parties. They gained considerable support promoting immigration issues and new social divisions, exploiting unemployment and poverty, protecting national pride and values. Right-wing extremism also finds a resonance in conventional political parties. An open appeal to extremism is rare in Western Europe, due to public opinion and distrust and often distain towards fanatics and holders of extreme views. Left-wing extremism identifies the main enemy as globalized corporate capitalism and the treat of globalization, gaining some popular support, but losing the sharpness of social revolutionary goals in their own country. In new democracies the political scene is turbulent, distinguished occasionally by signs of arrogant nationalism, momentous anti-western sentiment, distrust for democratic institutions, and nostalgia for the glorious past. Extremism is rooted in the political culture, in the deficiency of traditions promoting political tolerance and agreement. The (ex) socialist parties adjusted their political programs following the fall of the socialist system. The Powerful and Military Dangerous The East is not a treat to democracy: the problem is now how to integrate the new democracies of Europe. Some of the extremist parties and movements acquire respectable influence and support from voters. Some of them with an extremist past or ideological vocabulary are even part of governing coalitions which is contradictory to the general trends. The international community often reacts against local political extremists and movements, isolating the proponents of extremist political ideologies. The events of September 11 symbolize the new tectonic changes in the balance of global power. The new foe is not just one secret organization, but instead is comprised of a number of terrorist groups. Any terrorist activity is a move against globalization and modernization. The Iraq war shows that polarization easily escalates into the extensive use of brutal power and war, violence and the uncontrolled use of strength. The possible confusion of perceptions and imminent chaos on the periphery of the free world will ignite a new risk of political extremism, new disruptions in the democratic process, and militant polarization for both us and the other. Political violence and extremism The violent nature of extremism is manifest and latent. The violent forms are usually curbed or prohibited by law. In most democracies violence, if it exists, is restrained by legitimate authority and justice. However, the principle "no freedom for the enemies of freedom" has to be cautiously defined: not to give ground is close to the extensive use of state power. Human rights are at stake. Latent and potential violence is dominantly perceptible in forms of hateful speech, relativisation and even provocation of the rules and tradition of democracy. Violence is not restrained by the legitimate use of state authority. Democratic systems attempt to prevent extremism by civic education, increasing social tolerance, the institutionalisation of conflict and the development of a fine balance between rights and obligations, the promotion of the rule of law and the restriction of rights versus freedoms. Even if violence is not visible, within a movement or as a phenomenon, the fanatical nature of extremism prepares the ground for a possible excuse for violence. The consecration of group - such as race, nation or subculture - leads to the humiliation and molestation of the other. To treat another group or person as inferior is not only a precondition of intolerance, discrimination and the degradation of humanity, but is a necessary pretext for violence against said others. To see ones own group as a victim of violence, power and mistreatment, to see ones own national, family or personal history as repressed by others actually leads to the legitimisation of violence against the repressor. To see others as enemies is not only the negation of tolerance but also a justification of potential violence. Political Extremism: Radical or Violent Extremism is not a simple radical political position. It is not acceptable to confuse legitimate opposition to a system with a threat to that system. Extremism is not a critical position towards a system; it is the destructive misuse of freedom. To confuse freedom with extremism is a pars pro toto logical error. Extremism is a refutation of the rights and liberties of others. On the contrary, the rise and development of democracy presupposes the criticism of the system, the use of legitimate means to promote change, and indeed radical change to the system. The power and stability of democracies are proportional to this tolerance and competition of ideas. The perimeters of freedom have to be constrained only where prescribed by law, which is necessary in a democratic society, proportional to legitimate aims. The extremists ignore this rule imposing their own: extremism interprets its own ideas as beyond all restrictions. Extremism is a negation of the golden rule. The criteria for the definition of extremism are not formal black and white rules. For a variety of reasons extremism is rarely formulated exclusively as an ideology or within a proclaimed party programs or movement. It is usually more evident in everyday actions. Political practice and behaviour are essential for the political identification of extremism. It is also politically important to understand the social roots and structural prerequisites of extremism. Extremist Political Parties and Movements Political extremism is neither an individual action nor can it be ascribed exclusively to political parties. An individuals extremist values, actions or preparations to act, are not extremist but isolated behaviour. On the individual level, extremism is a set of values contradictory to standards or the customary norms of political behaviour within a given system. Extremism in political parties is embedded in their ideologies (apparent or hidden), in their programs, declarations and phraseology, and acts. Arguably if any one of these conditions is present, one can view the party as extremist. These parties are organisations; i.e. they have goals, resources, means, structure and methods of action. Different extremist parties have similar organisational principles . They tend to be oligarchies, emphasising centralisation, secrecy and excitement about their goals and leaders. Charismatic leaders are inevitable ingredients of extremist political parties and movements. The charismatic elements in movements are not the manifestation of the genius of the leader, but the result of the hope of the followers that the leader will satisfy their expectations. This is a two-way relationship: the leader needs impetuous followers, and the clientele and public expect wonders. As the charismatic order is not the result of the mythical superiority of leaders, but the outcome of its social environment, movements are not the result of intentions and rationality. Unsatisfied interests create social movements, but they are not a sufficient pre-condition for these movements. Political Extremism and Movements In many new democracies there is a relationship between underground networks, the informal economy and even organised crime. Their resources and activites are often not transparent due to the nature of extremism or a lack of popular support. Social movements are often the result of frustrations and the inability of institutions to change the focus of these frustrations away from political institutions. Movements are characterized by the affections of participants. Their interests, according to their subjective feeling, are not respected. We can speak about various kinds of social movements. The causes and genesis, circumstances and effects differ even where appearance and presentation are the same. The first form intends to destroy the social structure and rules. Those movements work against something, require enemies, and tend to be destructive. Movements of this genus react to the marginalisation of some social groups in formal political life and from time to time result in the mass acceptance of goals formulated as ideological or national programs. Extremist political movements are one type of such revolutionary movements. The growth of extremist movements depends on the stereotyped explanation of hostile circumstances, the definition of the enemy in the form of a conspiracy by global rulers, and place responsibility for their own miserable conditions on targeted minority groups. Stereotypes and defamation, humiliating and aggressive behavior are not only manifest forms of extremism, but a differentia specifica for conservative movements. Not all movements are extremist, but almost all extremists' circles and organizations intend to mobilize their supporters and sympathizers. Movements are not the symptoms of a sick society, or a lack of social solidarity, but also the result of the deficiency of routine political life, bureaucratic political parties, programmed life and work. They are far from abnormal and pathological, and prevent against social stagnation and the ineffective institutionalization of societies. The dynamic civil society, mobilized and socially responsible professional groups, the active media and opinion agents are the preconditions for a mature democracy and adaptable society. In new democracies - where the risk of extremism is greater - new movements promote change. New challenges provoke new movements with new interests which are not adequately aggregated through political parties or otherwise. The social situations determines if there is fertile ground for a movement particularly if there is perceived inequality and uncertainty. Uncertainty is a repercussion of rapid social, economic and political change, and is a subjective feeling which cannot be interpreted only by reason. The human reaction is not purposeful and computed, but illogical and undisciplined. Fear and frustrations foster anger, and anger sometimes turns into extremism. This transformation is not a personal phenomenon but is a picture of the rise of extremism in rapid social change. Rooted habits, values, and traditions are reinvigorated in the light of the new (globalised!) world. Political Extremism: Left and Right An open society assumes competition and confrontation of ideologies the free expression of human rights. Extremism contradicts this interpretation. For extremists coherence and unanimity of their beliefs not confirmation with facts is essential. The extremist's ideologies are not logical and verifiable; they are defined as blind convictions and undiscerning philosophies. Post-modern ideologies are not only left or right; they do not have such simple prefixes. In the New World there is no room for genuine left/right divisions. Obviously the divisions are clear but they are neither dogmatic nor a reflection of old divisions but rather disagreements on principal or antagonism created by differences between group interests. These ideas are legitimately debated on solid political ground within legitimate systems. The standard political division between the right and left is no longer accurate. With the collapse of the Welfare State, globalisation as a process assumes the renunciation of dogmas both by the left and right. The new social divisions, the new social polarisation, and the necessity of maintaining global economic competitiveness in the West results in the denunciation of aged radical projects of social reconstruction. In the emerging democracies socialist leftist dogmas are defunct, and ideology has mutated into a sentimental and nostalgic memory. The world has one superpower and not a balance which is not only a fact of military and diplomatic reality, but something that deeply influences internal domestic national issues. The global level affects local issues such as budget spending for defence, labour regulation, welfare, etc. The right is concerned with some topics in the leftist tradition - such as social welfare, the protection of jobs, and unemployment. But traditionally the rightist is concerned with immigration, race superiority, national pride and sovereignty, crimes, erosion of morals and similar issues. These topics recur periodically but now with multiculturalism and more unrestricted migration they received new energy. The renewal of discredited propaganda is not unmodified repetition but the complex amalgamation of many different influences. The left/right extremism distinction is not impartial. In refractory efforts to always preserve balance in our analyses, we habitually mention both extremes - and in many countries they exist - but in reality it is questio facti in certain countries which - left or right - is actually a more dangerous threat to democracy. A good example of artificial systematisation is the attitude towards globalisation. Both left and right extremists use the dubious effects of globalisation on societies, particularly in small and less developed countries, to demonstrate the increasing perils for the country and society and to mobilise and advocate new supporters. Globalisation as a process reduces the role of the national state. Globalisation shrinks distances, makes the global village a reality, turns politics into a new art of balancing between many tendencies. The economy is not new only in terms of technology but it is also unpredictable. The main players are not local but transitional. All this is a basis for uncertainty, frustration, and a lack of orientation, leading perhaps to extremism. The distinction between left/right extremism is also suspect from another perspective. Parties are changing their programs and leaders, they are learning from their failures, and they are adopting new strategies to capture new supporters. Extremism, when its proponents achieve a certain level of success in elections, tends to be presented as moderate (if all the other conditions stay the same). On the contrary, if the situation changes some parties and movements abandon legitimate moderate means, in favour of extremism. Nations in Transition: Additional Factors There are clear risks of extremism in deficient democracies. The risks increase if the cultural environmentand traditions are not democratic, if society is divided and confused, if values are in collision, and if the institutions of democracy are not stable. In a more systematic way, we can say that the democratic tradition promotes open participation in political culture, stable institutions, fair electoral rules, an ethical and law-bound executive, efficient and open public administration, and an impartial rule of law judiciary. The level of social anomie is becoming an increasingly visible cost of social change and political development. The relevance of such costs is not academic or economic, but practical and political. They should be legitimized and accepted as legitimate and unavoidable by the population. Unfortunately they are not. The famous mechanism of ego-defense - projection functions well. Somebody else must be responsible or guilty for societys problems. Old political manipulation is often used: the invention of an enemy responsible for virtually everything - from bad luck to the low quality of products, from a feeling of misery to the climate. The old Socialist regime (less and less!), communists, foreigners, other nations, conspiracies, imperialism, moral decay - every suitable foe is responsible for personal frustration. Those permanent frustrations are significant political variables for the understanding of extremism. The legal system and government are burdened with expectations that are simply impossible to achieve, at least in the short run. The government inherited inefficiency and the expansiveness of an administrative apparatus, as well as suspicion toward government officials as exponents of the old regime. The prescribed set of rules is simply ornamentation; too complex to be realized, they are ritualized. Additionally, the interpretation of the rules in practice differs greatly from what is proclaimed in their text. Institutional design is inadequate for the development of self-sustaining democratic institutions. Governments come and go, constantly trying to change a desperate situation through legislative acts. The problem is not imperfect regulation or lack of experience, but rather, the entire mechanism of implementing laws. Institutions need at least a minimum of durability to develop a precise and understandable scope of competencies and goals; i.e. who is responsible for what, and what is the aim of the organization? Only in time will these institutions be able to function properly. The borders between the East and West are not political borders, and they will not be removed by political decision or certain acts. The difference decreases with time, and is diminishing. However, this convergence does not merely have the form of formal unification or integration, but also new synergy and rapprochement. The specifics will remain. The potential for extremism is greater where there is rapid social change, when values are disrupted, adjustment is slow, the standard of living is falling, social costs are high, the economy sluggish, state services poor, and the state generally weak. The change cannot be stopped, but its acceleration produces social and psychological tension, conflicts, and the deep restructuring of society. The Effects The threat to democracy takes two forms: direct and indirect. The direct threat is the organised activity of violence, hate, racism, nationalism, religious or other fundamentalism. Such forms disturb political and social life, inducing anger, fear or uncertainty, igniting scandals and instability. Common people are misled, minorities jeopardised, freedoms are endangered and institutions misdirected. The indirect threat is that political life is manipulated: fictitious issues are treated as real, the political culture eroded, and militant wording appears, restricting the discourse to simple demagogy. New social topics are obstructed and unsightly. Conclusion: Against Extremism Measures against extremism are different. Complex measures of fighting extremism must be undertaken, and among these we can identify eight priorities. They are not listed in order of importance since each is equally significant. However, what is crucial is that they should be carried out simultaneously and in a balanced way. Each of the stated measures should be elaborated in more detail, while legal, organizational and other activities need to be proposed for them to succeed. The best medicine against political pathologies of extremism is economic development, political democratization, and the building of institutions and a modern society. Although the fight against extremism cannot be conducted through prosecution and punishment measures alone, it has been assessed that a system of disclosure, evaluation and punishment is one of the key elements, not only for the prosecution of political extremism, but also for stabilising the legal system in general. Indeed the criminalisation of racism, racial discrimination, hate speech, and xenophobia is widely accepted and protected by domestic criminal law. They are not intended to affect political parties but individuals. The logic of such sanctions can easily be applied to organisations, specifically to political parties or organisations (legal persons). The final action is the dissolution of such an entity. Even movements often have an organised group as the nucleus of activity. The problems with legal penalisation are that sanctions cannot fully repair the damage done. Sanctions intend to cure, but the illness of extremism goes deeper. Additional legal and other actions are necessary. Political and criminal prosecution is not effective if it is not followed by the social action of education and by changes in the political culture. Police and judicial action are ineffective without public support. On the other hand, there is no public support without a free and active press. Therefore, the proposed measures seek the simultaneous use of different measures and activities, the equally intensive use of appeals to conscience, awareness of consequences, legal and organizational measures and more severe and efficient sanctions. A systematic reform of party systems and election rules to discourage extremism is one priority. Legal measures also include the full responsibility of political parties and other organisations receiving support from the Budget. Penalisation alone is not enough. The purpose of clear and transparent party finances is particularly important for political parties that are connected with underground organisations and soft money. In weak democracies all measures intended to regulate democratic standards of financing, operating (i.e. transparency, public scrutiny) or organising the parties is desirable. A high level of mobilization of all institutions includes important international elements. Although the interest in fighting extremism lies primarily in national states, the activities undertaken in reducing extremism are global in nature. The interest of some countries lies in preventing the import of extremism. Fighting extremism is the task of the state and the competent government. This is not a bureaucratic campaign. A movement against violent extremism is essential. The encouragement of civil society is to promote the mass mobilization of citizens against extremism and for tolerance. They have to raise public awareness of the causes and harmful effects of extremism. Public awareness must be developed through systematic campaigns, carried out in a manner similar to those that warn about the protection of the environment or behavior in traffic. The harm that extremism can cause to all should be clearly indicated, and a strong ethical condemnation of such practice should be made. Each, even verbal, relativisation of extremism must be prevented (this is what everybody else does, it is sometimes necessary, it does not harm anyone, etc.). Finally, the fact that this is a sensitive public issue makes us believe that extremism can be reduced through a political campaign. The success of such an action depends on many circumstances. Some are objective, some unpredictable. It is necessary to take the threats and dangers of extremism seriously. Punitive measures should be carefully balanced with awareness-raising activities, promotional and educational measures to mobilise citizens, associations, political entities and all those who can contribute to the suppression of extremism. Only in this way can permanent achievements and change be guaranteed.     PAGE  @ABOP  ` l | % & ~ Ⱦ֊֊־֊֊րvl_l_lh*hssOJQJaJhssOJQJaJhHOJQJaJhtTOJQJaJh*h7OJQJaJhcNh 6XOJQJaJhcNhcNOJQJaJhcNhk\OJQJaJhcNOJQJaJhcNhcN5OJQJaJh*hk\OJQJaJh*htT5OJQJaJh*hk\5OJQJaJ% ABOP ' ( rs&'HI  - $ & F a$gdcN$a$gdcN &'*19>0>?pyhu)+<Nqswx鱣hcNhcN5OJQJaJhcNhk\5OJQJaJhOJQJaJh$rOJQJaJh*hssOJQJaJhcNOJQJaJh*h7OJQJaJh*hk\OJQJaJhssOJQJaJ7xMX"Ra:Yq+^bǺxxh2OJQJaJhcNOJQJaJhtTOJQJaJh*hk\OJQJaJh*h7OJQJaJhOJQJaJh*h 6XOJQJaJhcNh 6X5OJQJaJhcNhcN5OJQJaJhcNhk\5OJQJaJhcNh75OJQJaJ/$'HI%34AI~|      % & - . "!鷪鷪ےےےh_OJQJaJhcN6OJQJaJh*hOJQJaJh*hOJQJaJhOJQJaJh*h2OJQJaJh*h3OJQJaJhtThk\6OJQJaJh*hk\OJQJaJh2OJQJaJ5- . !!$$%%&&q'r'((3,4,V,W,I-J-z.{.|2}255888$a$gdcN"!#!$!&!K!X!!!!!!!!!!!!$$x${$|$$$$$h%i%%%%%%%%%&&& &!&o&q&r&|&~&&&&&Y'o'q'r'''(P(X(Y(((hcN6OJQJaJhtThk\6OJQJaJh_hk\OJQJaJh*h3OJQJaJh*h_OJQJaJh_hk\6OJQJaJh*hk\OJQJaJh_OJQJaJ=()()3,4,>,?,L,M,V,W,,,,,,,,,----------z.{../5/A/E/q/u///////709011111|2}2223 3+3,3-344n5h*hs9%OJQJaJhs9%OJQJaJh*h\OJQJaJhcNhcN6OJQJaJhcNhk\6OJQJaJh*h3OJQJaJh\OJQJaJh*hk\OJQJaJ=n5o5x5z555*6+6V6l66677773848J8N88888888889999X9b9z99996:7:8:M:h:u:v:N;O;;;;鶨фh*hOJQJaJh*hcNOJQJaJhcNOJQJaJhcNhcN6OJQJaJhcNhk\6OJQJaJh*hwOJQJaJhwOJQJaJhcNh36OJQJaJh*hk\OJQJaJhs9%OJQJaJ2886:7:;;G?H?aAbABBEEGGGGJJMMQQTTTTV$a$gdcN;;K<Q<<<==W=X===>>>>??@?G?H?p?r?s???????b@i@@@@@@aAbAAAAAABBBBBBCCCCC\D]DDDDDEEEEFһһ汤汤h*hy^iOJQJaJhy^iOJQJaJh*hn$OJQJaJhr KOJQJaJhn$OJQJaJhwOJQJaJh*hk\OJQJaJh*h3OJQJaJ@FFFFFFFFFFFGG2G6GLGMGGGGGGGGGGTHWHaHbHcHfHgHHH.I7I8I=IKIMItIuIvIzIIIIIJJ$K3KKKKKK驜h%OJQJaJh*hr KOJQJaJhr KOJQJaJhcNhcN6OJQJaJhcNhk\6OJQJaJh*h3OJQJaJh*hy^iOJQJaJh*hk\OJQJaJhy^iOJQJaJ9KKKKKKN&NgNiNjNNNPPPPLRMRRRRRRxT|TTTTTTT UUUV V0V9VVVW W$W%WWWWWWYYZZZ[[髝h*hOJQJaJhcNhk\5OJQJaJhcNhcN5OJQJaJhtTOJQJaJhcN6OJQJaJhcNhk\6OJQJaJh*h%OJQJaJh*hk\OJQJaJh%OJQJaJ8VVWWWW/Z0Zp[q[Q]R]%^&^H`I```bcc3g4giiiii $ & F a$gdcN$a$gdcN[\]P]Q]R]]]]]]$^%^&^F`G`H`I``````1a2abbccc2g3g4ghhiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii髣hs hs0Jjhs0JUhDjhDUh*hsOJQJaJh*h*OJQJaJh*h6nOJQJaJh*h%OJQJaJhk\OJQJaJh6nOJQJaJh*hk\OJQJaJ4iiiiiiiiiiii$a$gdcNh]h&`#$ /0&P/ =!"#$% f  2 0@P`p2( 0@P`p 0@P`p 0@P`p 0@P`p 0@P`p 0@P`p8XV~OJQJ_HmHnHsHtHD`D NormalCJOJQJ_HmH sH tHZZ < Heading 1$<@&5CJ KH OJQJ\^JaJ \\ < Heading 2$<@& 56CJOJQJ\]^JaJVV < Heading 3$<@&5CJOJQJ\^JaJDA`D Default Paragraph FontViV  Table Normal :V 44 la (k (No List BBB Body TextOJQJmHsHuRPR Body Text 2$da$OJQJmH sH udCd Body Text Indent$9d^9a$OJQJmHsHu4 @"4 Footer  p#.)@1. Page NumberHBH  Balloon TextCJOJQJ^JaJ4R4 Header  p#4/b4 <List^`82r8 <List 26^6`838 <List 3Q^Q`$L$ <Date>7> < List Bullet 3  & F>8> < List Bullet 4  & F FEF <List Continue 26x^6B'B HComment ReferenceCJaJ88 H Comment TextCJ@j@ HComment Subject5\PK![Content_Types].xmlj0Eжr(΢Iw},-j4 wP-t#bΙ{UTU^hd}㨫)*1P' ^W0)T9<l#$yi};~@(Hu* Dנz/0ǰ $ X3aZ,D0j~3߶b~i>3\`?/[G\!-Rk.sԻ..a濭?PK!֧6 _rels/.relsj0 }Q%v/C/}(h"O = C?hv=Ʌ%[xp{۵_Pѣ<1H0ORBdJE4b$q_6LR7`0̞O,En7Lib/SeеPK!kytheme/theme/themeManager.xml M @}w7c(EbˮCAǠҟ7՛K Y, e.|,H,lxɴIsQ}#Ր ֵ+!,^$j=GW)E+& 8PK!Ptheme/theme/theme1.xmlYOo6w toc'vuر-MniP@I}úama[إ4:lЯGRX^6؊>$ !)O^rC$y@/yH*񄴽)޵߻UDb`}"qۋJחX^)I`nEp)liV[]1M<OP6r=zgbIguSebORD۫qu gZo~ٺlAplxpT0+[}`jzAV2Fi@qv֬5\|ʜ̭NleXdsjcs7f W+Ն7`g ȘJj|h(KD- dXiJ؇(x$( :;˹! I_TS 1?E??ZBΪmU/?~xY'y5g&΋/ɋ>GMGeD3Vq%'#q$8K)fw9:ĵ x}rxwr:\TZaG*y8IjbRc|XŻǿI u3KGnD1NIBs RuK>V.EL+M2#'fi ~V vl{u8zH *:(W☕ ~JTe\O*tHGHY}KNP*ݾ˦TѼ9/#A7qZ$*c?qUnwN%Oi4 =3ڗP 1Pm \\9Mؓ2aD];Yt\[x]}Wr|]g- eW )6-rCSj id DЇAΜIqbJ#x꺃 6k#ASh&ʌt(Q%p%m&]caSl=X\P1Mh9MVdDAaVB[݈fJíP|8 քAV^f Hn- "d>znNJ ة>b&2vKyϼD:,AGm\nziÙ.uχYC6OMf3or$5NHT[XF64T,ќM0E)`#5XY`פ;%1U٥m;R>QD DcpU'&LE/pm%]8firS4d 7y\`JnίI R3U~7+׸#m qBiDi*L69mY&iHE=(K&N!V.KeLDĕ{D vEꦚdeNƟe(MN9ߜR6&3(a/DUz<{ˊYȳV)9Z[4^n5!J?Q3eBoCM m<.vpIYfZY_p[=al-Y}Nc͙ŋ4vfavl'SA8|*u{-ߟ0%M07%<ҍPK! ѐ'theme/theme/_rels/themeManager.xml.relsM 0wooӺ&݈Э5 6?$Q ,.aic21h:qm@RN;d`o7gK(M&$R(.1r'JЊT8V"AȻHu}|$b{P8g/]QAsم(#L[PK-![Content_Types].xmlPK-!֧6 +_rels/.relsPK-!kytheme/theme/themeManager.xmlPK-!Ptheme/theme/theme1.xmlPK-! ѐ' theme/theme/_rels/themeManager.xml.relsPK] a  x"!(n5;FK[i5789;<=?@AC- 8Vii6:>BD !8@0(  B S  ?|ly|$\ 2aj 2a9*urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttagsplace m #)7 4bpTX#,PYm z )!4!5!C!$$$$''U*^*s44457#7%7+79:@:A:F:::::6;C;;;;<7<D<??I@W@KMTMDNONFSQS|SS~TTTT%U.UjUvUY Y1Y=YYYZZ^^``aaaaaaaaaaaaaaX^ !##**++ ..//X1b145\:d:j>w>DDFFXXaaaaaaaaaaaaaa333333333333333BO.4$W$??~JJLLOOaaaaaaaaaaaaaaOOaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa 8A*w 8ҹ~_q&T.D,-{-.o3N'܉mnRoExhNH, ^`OJQJo( ^`OJQJo(hh^h`.h^h`B*CJ OJQJo( hh^h`OJQJo(.k^`ko(.^`.pLp^p`L.@ @ ^@ `.^`.L^`L.^`.^`.PLP^P`L.^`o(.^`.pLp^p`L.@ @ ^@ `.^`.L^`L.^`.^`.PLP^P`L.k^`ko(.^`.pLp^p`L.@ @ ^@ `.^`.L^`L.^`.^`.PLP^P`L.^`o(. ^`hH. pL^p`LhH. @ ^@ `hH. ^`hH. L^`LhH. ^`hH. ^`hH. PL^P`LhH.^`.^`.pLp^p`L.@ @ ^@ `.^`.L^`L.^`.^`.PLP^P`L. w_q&Exo3,-{-8m X                 X                 +*3\5<n$s9%r K8$NtT 6XB\/yhy^i2dm$r(xlxs%@,*k\*S7:Hw 6nw2ss_VND`OcNaa@PP@PPa@UnknownG* Times New Roman5Symbol3. * Arial[r7_Courier NewCourier Newc7_Times New RomanCourier New5. *aTahomaA BCambria Math"1hf&sf S 1 S 1)4dkaka 2QHX?2!xx1 Josip KregarAntonija Petricusic4         Oh+'0   @ L X dpx1Josip KregarNormalAntonija Petricusic8Microsoft Office Word@@5[#@Kz *@\B  S՜.+,0 hp  PRAVNI FAKULTET1ka 1 Title  !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`bcdefghjklmnopsRoot Entry FpE䷷Bu1TableF'4WordDocument1SummaryInformation(aDocumentSummaryInformation8iCompObjy  F'Microsoft Office Word 97-2003 Document MSWordDocWord.Document.89q