Naslov
On the schematicity and valence of proći-constructions

Autori
Kežić, Marin

Vrsta, podvrsta i kategorija rada
Sažeci sa skupova, neobjavljeni rad, znanstveni

Skup
Zadar Linguistic Forum 2022

Mjesto i datum
Zadar, Hrvatska, 06.04.2022. - 08.04.2022

Vrsta sudjelovanja
Predavanje

Vrsta recenzije
Međunarodna recenzija

Ključne riječi
Cognitive Linguistics ; construction grammar ; syntax ; semantics ; Croatian

Sažetak
Inspired by previous seminal accounts of the English pseudo-copula go (Radden 1996, Bourdin 2003, Schönefeld 2012), the present paper reports on Croatian constructions which comprise the verb proći ‘go by ; pass’ and a variety of constituents occupying the postverbal syntactic slot. Specifically, the present study is only interested in instances where the verb proći refers to subjective motion (Langacker 1987) and conspires with a range of postverbal constituents to produce evaluative modality readings (Bourdin 2003). The forthcoming analysis will rely on preliminary data from the Croatian Web Corpus (hrWaC 2.2) to explore and explain some of the distributional similarities and differences between constructional variants involving postverbal constituents of differing complexity such as (1) and (2): (1) Mnogi misle kako elektroničko nasilje može proći nekažnjeno i kako ni odrasli, a ni djeca, ne mogu učiniti ništa kako bi se to spriječilo. (http://www.unicef.hr/) ‘Many people feel that digital violence is allowed to go unpunished and that neither adults nor children can do anything to prevent that’. (2) Našao se na sudu zbog konzumiranja kokaina, ali je prošao bez kazne. (https://www.gol.hr/) ‘He was brought before a judge for cocaine abuse, but he went unpunished’. and between constructional variants that accommodate the same kinds of phrases in the postverbal syntactic slot, but involve different case relations and construals, such as (3) and (4): (3) Kako prenose turski mediji, putnici su prošli bez težih ozljeda, ali su na zrakoplovu nastala veća oštećenja. (http://www.ezadar.hr/) ‘According to Turkish media reports, the passengers didn’t sustain major injuries, but there was major damage to the airplane’. (4) Iako je avion u padu potpuno uništen, nekim je čudom posada prošla samo s lakšim ozljedama. (http://www.hrvatski-vojnik.hr/) ‘Even though the airplane got completely destroyed in the crash, the crew miraculously sustained only minor injuries.’ The presented situation – in which the verb pseudo-copula proći is sometimes followed by an absence-denoting (i.e. caritive) prepositional phrase and other times with a possession-denoting (i.e. proprietive) prepositional phrase (see Haspelmath 2009) – will be brought into connection with the notions of polarity (see Israel 2011) and scalar norm (Langacker 2013). In the constructionist spirit, any constructions comprising proći and various postverbal elements, and contributing evaluative modality meanings, will be regarded as forming a prototype-based constructional network, with some members occupying its core, and others occupying its periphery. Thus, the present paper will also address some non-prototypical proći-constructions that cannot be subsumed under productive constructional schemas and are accordingly better understood as fully specified constructions, i.e. collocations (e.g. proći jeftino ‘get off cheap’ / proći lišo ‘get off scot-free’). Finally, the present study will also touch on the distributional fact that proći is equally able to signal phasal (e.g. utakmica je prošla ‘the game is finished’) and pseudo-copular meanings (e.g. igrač je prošao bez kazne ‘the player went unpenalized’). With this in mind, it will be demonstrated that the dynamic ability of the verb proći to occupy varying positions on the contentfulness/procedurality cline (Traugott & Trousdale 2013) also impacts on whether the postverbal slots of proći PP constructions are to be read as containing adjuncts or complements.

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Engleski

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