engleski

Non-argument Dative with Dative Argument Verbs

In this paper we develop our account of the ethical dative in Croatian as a “true” free dative, which has undergone subjectification in relation to the prototypical dative of transfer (Stanojević & Peti-Stantić 2014 ; for other languages see e.g. Dąbrowska 1997 ; Janda 1993 ; Shibatani 1994). Previously we concentrated on constructions with ethical datives that appeared with verbs that do not take dative arguments (e.g. Nešto si mi neraspoložen, Jesi li mi se umorila?, Eto ti ga na vrata) and constructions with predicative verbs that do not take dative arguments (e.g. Jesi li mi dobro putovala? Nešto ste nam ušutjeli). We extend this account to constructions with psych verbs with and without dative arguments and to linking verbs. According to the Croatian Valency database prepared at the Institute of Croatian Language and Linguistics, most psych verbs in Croatian have their reflexive counterparts (čuditi – čuditi se ‘amaze – be surprised at’, dosađivati – dosađivati se ‘bore – be bored’, žaliti – žaliti se ‘regret - complain’). However, several frequent ones are only non-reflexive (nedostajati ‘fall short of, miss’, podnijeti ‘endure’, trebati ‘need’, zavidjeti ‘envy’, željeti ‘wish’) and a single verb is only reflexive (diviti se ‘admire’). We subdivided the psych verbs according to their reflexivity and argument structure (+/-dative argument). Our results suggest that there are no syntactic constraints for the appearance of the ethical dative in linking, reflexive and non-reflexive psych verbs, irrespective of whether their frame includes the dative argument or not: On će mi/ti biti/postati dobar inženjer ‘He will become a good engineer (you hear)’ (linking verb) Čovjeka ti čudi sve na svijetu ‘One can be amazed by everything in the world (you hear)’ (čuditi, -dat arg) Ona ti se čudi tom čovjeku ‘She is surprised at that man (you hear)’ (čuditi se – reflexive, +dat arg) Ljudima ti nedostaje suosjećanja ‘People miss compassion (you hear)’ (nedostajati, +dat arg) I onda ti je djed unuci poželio sve najbolje ‘And then grandfather wished her granddaughter all the best (you hear)’ (poželjeti, +dat arg) However, corpus results (based on the 1.9 billion-word hrWaC) suggest that only some combinations of ethical datives and pronouns/verbs actually appear (e.g. the combination vam on meni appears whereas on vam meni does not). The lack of verb valence restrictions supports the view of the ethical dative as “free”, whereas the corpus results suggest that the constraints on its use are a result of verb conceptual structure and/or clitic linearization constraints (Peti-Stantić 2000). References: Dąbrowska, Ewa. 1997. Cognitive Semantics and the Polish Dative. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Jackendoff, Ray. 2002. Foundations of Meaning: Brain, Meaning, Grammar, Evolution. Oxford University Press. Janda, Laura A. 1993. A Geography of Case Semantics: The Czech Dative and the Russian Instrumental. Berlin ; New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Peti-Stantić, Anita. 2000. “Etički dativ kao izraz gramatičke ekspresivnosti u jeziku.” In: Riječki filološki dani, Zbornik radova s Međunarodnoga znanstvenog skupa Riječki filološki dani. ed. Diana Stolac. Rijeka: Filozofski fakultet u Rijeci. 287-296 Shibatani, Masayoshi. 1994. “An Integrational Approach to Possessor Raising, Ethical Datives, and Adversative Passives.” Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: General Session Dedicated to the Contributions of Charles J. Fillmore 20 (1): 461–486. Stanojević, Mateusz-Milan and Anita Peti-Stantić. 2014. “The semantic space of interest: the dative in Croatian”. Paper presented at The Thirteenth Annual Conference of the Slavic Cognitive Linguistics Association (SCLC-2014). Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

dative; Croatian; psych verbs; ethical dative; restrictions

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