engleski

“The Genitive Plural Ending in Proto-Indo-European and Slavic”

The ending of the genitive plural in Proto- Indo- European has been a problem in Indo- European historical linguistics for a long time, due to some languages pointing to the short *-om (e.g. Latin -um) and others to the long *-ōm (e.g. Greek -ων) (cf. e.g. the recent overview in Olander 2015). Old Church Slavic -ъ has often been taken as one of the most secure reflexes of the short variant *-om, though the hypothesis of the old long *-ъ̄ (usually brought about in connection to the Neo-Štokavian aberrant ending -ā, cf. Brozović & Ivić 1988: 24) has also been around for a long time (cf. e.g. recently Dybo 2000: 21). For PIE, a widespread theory takes the short *-om to be the original variant and the long *-ōm to be younger, due to vowel contraction in o- and eh2-stems. However, this was strictly theoretical, with no indications pointing to such a distribution. I shall try to prove that such indications may well exist in Slavic (to be exact: in Western South Slavic), where the original distribution of the old *-ōm in o- and eh2-stems and *-om elsewhere may have been partially preserved. This will be discussed in light of a new theory on the reflection of long vowels in final open syllables in Slavic.

genitive plural ; Indo-European ; Slavic

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